We run various sites in defense of human rights and need support in paying for servers. Thank you.


Cubaverdad on Twitter

Daily Archives: May 24, 2016

Abogados y activistas luchan por evitar la deportación de los inmigrantes que arribaron el viernes pasado

La pregunta que se hacen las autoridades migratorias tienen que ver con si el faro es parte del territorio estadounidense

Se basan en el precendete de hace 10 años sobre los balseros que llegaron al viejo Puente de las Siete Millas

Click to Continue » Continue reading
Conversamos con el joven profesor Alejandro Escobar en el ámbito de la Bienal de Diseño
… delegation on a trip to Cuba next week. The delegation will … country since 2015. Nixon said Cuba could become a significant export … is scheduled to meet with Cuban officials, speak at a business … and visit a deep-water port. Cuba will be the fifth country … Continue reading

Assistant Secretary of State for Narcotics and Law Enforcement said the United States should be “very careful” in stepping up cooperation with Cuban security agencies.

Click to Continue » Continue reading
  CASTRISMO

El grafitero Danilo Maldonado es una de las voces de Cuba en el Oslo Freedom Forum. "Sabía que iría a la cárcel", cuando inspirado decidió pintar el nombre de "Raúl" y "Fidel" en el lomo de dos cerdos para una obra de inspiración orwelliana que no llegó a realizar



Leer todo   -   Cuba Continue reading
Cayeron granizos de hasta tres centímetros de diámetro
… stall to buy churros, in Havana, Cuba,Monday, May 23, 2016. The … ; (AP Photo/Ramon Espinosa)HAVANA (AP) — Cuba announced Tuesday that it will … employing other Cubans in enterprises providing vital stimulus to Cuba's stagnant centrally planned economy. The Cuban government … Continue reading
  … Click to Continue » Continue reading
HAVANACuba announced Tuesday that it will … nearly 40 years docks in Cuba Cuban business owners and economic experts … employing other Cubans in enterprises providing vital stimulus to Cuba’s stagnant centrally planned economy. READ MORE: Cubans eager … Continue reading

Un barbero impulsó negocios privados que emplean a casi 100 personas

El Callejón de los Peluqueros tiene cuatro restaurantes, tres galerías de arte y más

El proyecto Arte Corte cuenta con una escuela donde se capacita a peluqueros y barberos, y se ofrece pelados gratis a los vecinos

Click to Continue » Continue reading
El alza, que podría llegar hasta un 50%, entrará en vigor el próximo 1 de julio Continue reading

(EFE).- El Partido Comunista de Cuba (PCC) reconoce a las pequeñas y medianas empresas privadas como parte "complementaria" de la economía y plantea dotarlas de personalidad jurídica, según dos documentos sobre el modelo económico-social del país divulgados este martes.

El PCC publicó hoy los proyectos sobre Conceptualización del Modelo Económico y Social y el Plan de Desarrollo hasta el año 2030 analizados en su VII Congreso, celebrado en abril, y que ahora serán debatidos por la militancia del Partido, la Unión de Jóvenes Comunistas "y amplios sectores de la sociedad con el fin de enriquecerlos y perfeccionarlos".

En esos documentos, el PCC reconoce "la propiedad privada que cumple una función social, cuyos titulares son personas naturales o jurídicas -tanto cubanas como totalmente extranjeras- en determinadas actividades".

"La ley la regula (la propiedad privada) acorde a su papel complementario, de modo que contribuye a hacer más consistente el entramado empresarial y sus interrelaciones, en beneficio de toda la economía", señala el proyecto relativo a la "Conceptualización del Modelo Económico y Social".

[[QUOTE:El PCC reconoce "la propiedad privada que cumple una función social, cuyos titulares son personas naturales o jurídicas -tanto cubanas como totalmente extranjeras- en determinadas actividades"]]El Partido Comunista también admite que las "personas naturales cubanas" pueden constituir tanto "pequeños negocios realizados en lo fundamental por el trabajador y su familia" como "empresas privadas de mediana, pequeña y micro escalas, según el volumen de su actividad y cantidad de trabajadores, reconocidas como personas jurídicas".

"La propiedad privada sobre determinados medios de producción contribuye al empleo, a la eficiencia de la economía y al bienestar, en un contexto donde priman las relaciones socialistas de propiedad", añade el texto.

En cualquier caso, los documentos del PCC insisten en que las formas no estatales de la economía tienen un carácter complementario, ya que la forma dominante sigue siendo la "propiedad socialista de todo el pueblo sobre los medios fundamentales de producción".

En el año 2010, el Gobierno de Raúl Castro comenzó a ampliar, como parte de su plan de reformas para "actualizar" el socialismo cubano, el trabajo privado o "por cuenta propia", limitado a un número determinado de actividades.

También se permitió que esos cuentapropistas, que actualmente suman medio millón, contratasen mano de obra, lo que en la práctica ha derivado en la proliferación de medianas, pequeñas y micro empresas privadas en todo el país.

Así lo admitió el propio presidente Raúl Castro el pasado abril en su discurso inaugural del VII Congreso del PCC donde también reconoció que esas pequeñas y medianas empresas "funcionan sin la debida personalidad jurídica".

Los documentos del PCC divulgados hoy oficializan la existencia de pequeñas y medianas empresas -con esa denominación y sin emplear el eufemismo de cuentapropismo- y trazan la ruta para su regularización.

Continue reading

Tiene lugar en el marco de una reestructuración de la economía estatal

La propuesta del partido deberá pasar ahora por la Asamblea del Poder Popular

Raúl Castro dejó claro que no habrá modificaciones en el sistema monopartidista en la isla

Click to Continue » Continue reading

El ministro de Relaciones Exteriores de Cuba dijo saber que los problemas de Venezuela “son muchos”, pero que “la obra” del Gobierno chavista “es enorme”

Click to Continue » Continue reading
Plaza, La Habana, Jorge Luis González, (PD) La publicación en Cuba del libro “Una sencilla melodía habanera”, del escritor cubano-americano Oscar Hijuelos, fue una agradable sorpresa. Realizado en el año 2014 por la editorial “Sed de Belleza”, de Santa Clara, pasó bastante inadvertida para el común de los lectores cubanos […] Continue reading

El ministro de Relaciones Exteriores, Bruno Rodríguez, se reunió con el presidente de Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, en Caracas, a donde viajó para, dijo este martes, transmitir un mensaje de "solidaridad" del general Raúl Castro, informa EFE.

[La crisis venezolana en DIARIO DE CUBA]

leer más

Continue reading
Arroyo Naranjo, La Habana, Luis Cino (PD) Desde que  escuché por primera vez, hace más de cuarenta  años, Sweet Home Alabama y Free bird, Lynnyrd Skynnyrd es una de mis bandas preferidas. Junto a The Allman Brothers Band, Lynyrd Skynyrd encarna el rock sureño: auténtico, rebelde, sin adulteraciones, rebuscamientos ni […] Continue reading
El Vedado, La Habana, Manuel A. Morejón, (PD) En coordinación con la Embajada de la República Checa, en el Museo Nacional de Artes Decorativas, sito 17 entre E y F, El Vedado, se está presentando desde el 10 de mayo y hasta el 16 de julio, una exposición de la […] Continue reading
14ymedio, Pedro Campos, Havana, 24 May 2016 – The receding tide of the populist wave in Latin America, in particular the delicate situation in Venezuela and the ouster of Brazilian president Dilma Rousseff, has uncovered all kinds of speculation about the supposed relationship of cause and effect controlling political-economic and social process in Cuba. Those … Continue reading "Cuba is Not Brazil or Venezuela / 14ymedio, Pedro Campos" Continue reading

El gobierno colombiano no realizará gestiones encaminadas a un traslado humanitario de los migrantes cubanos que se encuentran varados en la región de Turbo, en el golfo de Urabá

Los migrantes cubanos han seguido llegando al municipio provenientes de diversos países del continente

A los migrantes se les expedirá un salvoconducto

Click to Continue » Continue reading
Santos Suárez, La Habana, Frank Cosme, (PD) Desde la antigüedad el hombre pensó cómo solucionar el problema de conservar sus alimentos en tiempos más calurosos. Aparejado con esto también buscó cómo amortiguar este calor a través de bebidas o comestibles más refrescantes. La solución de estas preocupaciones la encontró en […] Continue reading
Las rebajas Son un cuento, para que la gente crea que el congreso del PCC hizo algo. Cuando han aumentado los precios nunca lo han anunciado antes. Hay personas sospechan que los productos rebajados están a punto de echarse a perder. Desaparece el café Por lo menos en Marianao, se […] Continue reading
Renovación de doble filo -Compañeros, estamos obligados a renovar a los dirigentes del Estado en nuestra amada Castrolandia. No podemos enfrentar al imperialismo, con guías revolucionarios envejecidos. –Y ¿qué edad tiene el General Presidente, Cirilo? –El próximo mes cumple 85 años. –¡Aleluyaaa! El Comandante no se divierte –Compañero ministro, ¿por […] Continue reading
La Lisa, La Habana, Julio Rojas (PD) Los federativos del béisbol cubano, encabezados por el comisionado Heriberto Suárez, han vuelto, más que a decepcionar, a traicionar a los amantes del deporte nacional al no permitir la inclusión en un equipo Cuba de los peloteros cubanos que juegan en las Grandes […] Continue reading
El Vedado, La Habana, Manuel A. Morejón, (PD) Dice Isaías 1:21:23:“¡Cómo se ha convertido en ramera la ciudad fiel, la que estaba llena de justicia! Moraba en ella la rectitud, mas ahora, asesinos. Tu plata se ha vuelto escoria, tu vino está mezclado con agua. Tus gobernantes son rebeldes y […] Continue reading

En el Oslo Freedom Forum de 2015, el grafitero El Sexto ganó el premio Václav Havel a la disidencia creativa. No pudo recogerlo porque estaba preso en Cuba. Así que DIARIO DE CUBA no pudo entrevistarlo. Lo hace ahora, un año después.

¿Lo más divertido de la cárcel?

Un susto que le di a un guardia. Vigilaba cada noche. Me hice el dormido, cuando se acercó di un salto. Casi se caga. 

¿Y lo menos divertido?

No poder ver a mis amigos ni a mi hija.

leer más

Continue reading
Se trata de más de 200 trabajadores del sector de la salud a quienes les ha sido negado el visado a EEUU por el Programa de Parole para Profesionales Médicos Cubanos (CMPPP). Continue reading
… a gym in Havana on May 17, 2016. Cuban body builder Armando Yera opened a gym in central Havana, which is becoming more and more popular among Cubans looking … more Miami than Havana. Yera is one of Cuba’s first competitive … Continue reading
Hoy más que nunca los ritmos caribeños siguen el compás que marcan las sabrosas inversiones y oportunidades de negocio que aparecen en el horizonte de la apertura cubana. Continue reading
14ymedio, Miriam Celaya, Havana, 23 May 2016 — Jose Manuel Garcia-Margallo, Spain’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, recently made his second visit to Cuba. Unlike his first, in November 2014–when the general-president did not deign to meet with him—this time his “highest excellency” Spanish Foreign Minister was emphatically welcomed by the upper echelons of … Continue reading "The Step-Motherland’s Droit de Seigneur / 14ymedio, Miriam Celaya" Continue reading
Un total de 29 indocumentados, 28 cubanos y una dominicana, fueron detenidos en varias intervenciones llevadas a cabo por autoridades estadounidenses cuando trataban de entrar de forma ilegal en Puerto Rico. El servicio de Aduanas y Protección Fronteriza (CBP) en San Juan informó hoy a través de un comunicado de que las primeras intervenciones se realizaron el pasado domingo, cuando las autoridades alertaron de la presencia de una embarcación de 20 pies (6 metros) de... Continue reading
A diferencia de los particulares que prestan servicios a la población, los que ayudan a paliar la insuficiencia del Estado para cubrir la creciente demanda en la lucrativa  industria de los viajes y el turismo tienen luz verde… por ahora Continue reading

A los nueve años causó el pesar de su madre al dibujar a Fidel Castro con su uniforme de militar, pero con cabeza de mono

Maldonado “sabía que iría a la cárcel”, cuando inspirado decidió pintar el nombre de “Raúl” y “Fidel” en el lomo de dos cerdos

Maldonado cree que el arte puede servir como catalizador de cualquier cambio

Click to Continue » Continue reading
Un acercamiento preliminar al tema realizado por Martí Noticias arrojó que muchos jóvenes estudiantes buscan trabajar en su tiempo libre para cooperar en la economía doméstica, una tendencia mundial que llega a la isla tras décadas de paternalismo. Continue reading
La propuesta admite "pequeños negocios realizados por el trabajador y su familia" y "empresas privadas de mediana, pequeña y micro escalas, según el volumen de actividad", reflejan documentos del Partido Comunista publicados este martes. Continue reading
Sus informantes desinforman al PCC EDUARDO QUINTANA SUÁREZ, ‘EL MISIONERO’, San Antonio de los Baños | 24/05/2016 En una carta publicada por 14ymedio el pasado 14 de abril expliqué que los que no compartimos ideas con el régimen ya somos más de lo que cualquier estadística puede registrar; los que supuestamente sí apoyan al régimen, […] Continue reading
Que Washington y La Habana han normalizado las relaciones institucionales es un hecho. Ahora, será Hollywood la que se acerque a la capital cubana como escenario para algunas de sus superproducciones. Continue reading
14ymedio, Havana, 24 May 2016 — Berta Soler, leader of the Ladies in White, faces a prison sentence of three months to five years for the alleged crime of resistance. The activist was arrested last Sunday when she attempted to go to the Cathedral of Havana for the inauguration of the new archbishop of the capital. After … Continue reading "Lady in White Berta Soler Threatened With Prison / 14ymedio" Continue reading
Why Cuban Agriculture Is Inefficient / Iván García

Ivan Garcia, 19 May 2016 — The raindrops tinkle on the zinc roof of a
greasy hut used to store sacks of fertilizer, agricultural tools, and
the various ancient contraptions that are always be a nuisance to keep
in the house.

Osvaldo, the sixty-five-year-old owner of a farm southeast of Havana,
calmly takes a drag on a cigarette butt, scratches his head with his
thick fingers, which look like twisted meat hooks, and asks his son,
"Where the hell have you left the wrench to open the water pump?" Then,
once the engine has been started, he runs through the rain back to the
entrance of his house.

Before answering a question as to why Cuban agriculture is incapable of
supplying people with enough food, he takes a swig of coffee and rocks
back and forth in his iron chair. He then tells me:

"No point in beating about the bush. It's the government's fault that
agriculture doesn't work. I have lost count of the number of measures
and strategies the agricultural directors have drawn up. The problem is
that you can't grow a crop sitting behind an office desk. Every piece of
farmland is different. The amount of sweet potatoes or beef cannot be
planned from an office in Havana."

He continues unwrapping his opinions about the black hole in the
nation's agriculture. "The land is for the peasants. If the government
wants to buy everfything that's harvested, they need to pay a fair price
for it. Now they have promised to pay properly, but two or three months
down the line Acopio (Cuba's state procurement and distribution
agency) and other government departments start to fall behind on their
payments. In my case, they owe me 20 to 30 thousand pesos. The Havana
middlemen buy your entire harvest, in cash."

Osvaldo is aware that shortages breed speculation. "But the government
needs to get real. They sell everything at very high prices to
individual farmers — fuel, seed, working clothes — and the agricultural
equipment is of poor quality. Also, times have changed. Now, nobody
wants to work on the land. Everyone is going to Havana or Miami. And
when it comes to hiring workers to gather the harvest, you have to pay
at least a hundred pesos a day. That drives up the cost of what you've
harvested. If the government gave the land to the people who are working
it, in Cuba, the food that they produced would be for export".

When you speak to private farmers, people working in co-operatives or
tenants, their opinions vary, but most of them believe that, to increase
the harvests, you have to first create appropriate living and working
conditions.

"I lost about a hundred pounds of bananas and sweet potatoes because
Acopio couldn't provide enough transport," observes a farmer with a
credit and service cooperative, who prefers to remain anonymous. "It's a
joke. They have some honest people but most of the officials there are
corrupt."

When Fidel Castro came to power in January 1959, he began applying
countless forms of production management to Cuban agriculture, from huge
state farms and cooperatives to land leases.

But harvests did not increase. Bureaucrats always come up with excuses
to explain the shortfalls. They blame the unchecked greed of middlemen,
hurricanes, rain or drought.

Though intended to alleviate the deficit, targeted price controls
quickly generate even greater shortages instead. But there could be
other reasons as well. Economist Juan Triana Cordoví cannot be accused
of being of a dissident. But in his article "Price Caps", published in
On Cuba Magazine, Triana tries to find answers to the riddle. For this
economist, prices controls are just the tip of the iceberg.

There are other explanations. According to Triana, if you compare
produce production in 2005 to that of 2009, you will find that harvests
were, on average, was 15% smaller. With respect to potatoes, the drop
was 50%. In the case of vegetables, the average rate of growth in this
same period did not exceed 1% while tomato production fell 30%.

In 2009, 34,558 hectares of produce were planted (4,245 of which were
potatoes), while only 16,494 hectares were planted in 2014 (596 of which
were potatoes). In short, in 2009 — the latest year for which data is
available — there was 50% less produce and 14% less potatoes planted. In
2009, 32,174 hectares were planted while in 2014 only 21,397 hectares
were planted. This amounts to 66% of what had been planted just five
years earlier.

Less acreage under cultivation, lower yields, increased demand, higher
costs… "What else can we expect but for prices to go up?" asks Triana.

But the government is only thinking in the short term. Faced with
complaints from millions of its citizens, the solution is a home remedy
to relieve the pain while it continues to postpone the radical solution
that Cuban agriculture needs.

Average Cubans approve of the new measures the state has taken to cap
prices and close El Trigal wholesale market south of Havana. On May 13
Martí Noticias toured fifteen produce markets — some state-run; some
private, leased or cooperative operations.

In the markets with price controls, the chalkboards indicated nine to
fifteen items for sale. Tomatoes, on average, cost 2 pesos per pound.
Guava was priced at 1.5 to 3 pesos, a banana went for 2 pesos, and
cassava and sweet potato sold for 1 peso per pound.

The privately-run markets had more variety, were cleaner and provided
better quality, though the prices were twice as high. For example, two
Caney mangoes cost 30 pesos while a six-pound melon went for 25 pesos.

Osvaldo, the peasant quoted above, believes that price controls will not
increase farm production. And he is sticking to his theory: "When the
land belongs to the peasants, and they are allowed to import and export
without having to rely on the state, there will be more than enough
food," he says.

In no country with an autocratic government — whether it be Vietnam,
China or the former Soviet Union — did state-control of the land work.
Cuba is hardly an exception.



Translated by GH

Source: Why Cuban Agriculture Is Inefficient / Iván García – Translating
Cuba -
http://translatingcuba.com/why-cuban-agriculture-is-inefficient-ivn-garca/ Continue reading
Rosa María Payá: "Totalitarianism is not broken in Cuba, we can not
pretend it is" / EFE (14ymedio), María Tejero Martín

EFE (via 14ymedio), María Tejero Martín, Oslo, 23 May 2016 — Cuban
opposition member Rosa María Payá said Monday ,in an interview with EFE,
that the "totalitarianism" of the government led by Raul Castro "has not
broken" despite the open contact with the United States and the European
Union (EU), and so she asked that these approaches be used to achieve
"concrete progress."

"Rapprochement with Cuba is very good, but it depends on how and how it
is sold. It also has negative consequences, such as the rest of the
world perceiving an internal process of openings toward democracy, and
this has not occurred," said Payá in the Norwegian capital, where she
has come to participate in the Oslo Freedom Forum (OFF).

The dissident said that "totalitarianism has not been broken" despite
the "legitimacy" with which it might have re-clothed itself after the
visits of personalities such as US President Barack Obama, the high
representative of the EU for Foreign Policy, Federica Mogherini, Pope
Francis or the Rolling Stones.

Payá, daughter of the prominent opposition leader Oswaldo Payá, who died
in 2012 in a car crash which his daughter blames on the Cuban regime,
believes that the international community has an "opportunity to
pressure the regime for this change toward freedom."

Payá criticized the "excuses that can be cynical, but are invoked as
pragmatic" which are used as an argument to initiate dialogue with Cuba
placing special attention on economic relations and relegating to the
background demands for human rights and freedom.

"People say things like if we negotiated with China, why not with the
Cuban regime. Under this line of thinking, why not with North Korea?"
she said.

We regards to negotiations between Brussels and Havana, she considers it
"worrying" that no light has been shined on the text that serves as a
basis for contacts between the two parties and warned that it is not
enough to simply include "a mention of human rights, because tyrannies
have already learned to deal with these mentions."

"The support has to be concrete, specific and on measurable issues. Not
only speeches in support of democracy, of human rights," she said,
calling for support for the holding of a plebiscite on the island,
access to communications media and information, and the release of
political prisoners.

"Totalitarianism, which has not been broken, is broken when the ability
to decide does not reside in the same group of generals. At that moment
the transition will have begun, which won't happen in a single day. We
cannot pretend this is happening," she said, in a message she directed
to "the international community," from whom she asked for "support."

" Cubans are human beings just like everyone else, like Spaniards or
Belgians. We did not endure five decades in order to have Airbnb, but
rather all out rights (…), having more Americans to travel to the island
is not enough, it is a racist approach to think so," she claimed.

To Payá, inaction may also affect the international community itself and
democratic countries.

In this regard she pointed to how the situation in Venezuela has been
evolving under the leadership of Hugo Chavez and president Nicolas
maduro, but also the ideas that have come from "political parties in Spain."

Looking ahead to the upcoming Spanish elections, Payá stressed that "the
Spanish people are sovereign, so it is up to them to decide," although
she expressed her concern for "the influence of the totalitarian regime
in Havana and the Chavista regime which is concerned with undermining
Latin America and exporting its ideas to Europe."

About the rise of anti-democratic positions, the Cuban opponent once
again called on democratic countries to act.

In terms of rights, "Cubans were already in the worst situation ten
years ago, but now the rest of the world is worse off as well," she warned.

Source: Rosa María Payá: "Totalitarianism is not broken in Cuba, we can
not pretend it is" / EFE (14ymedio), María Tejero Martín – Translating
Cuba -
http://translatingcuba.com/rosa-maria-paya-totalitarianism-is-not-broken-in-cuba-we-can-not-pretend-it-is-efe-14ymedio-maria-tejero-martin/ Continue reading
  COMERCIO

El pasado 17 de mayo entró en vigor una rebaja de precios a productos comercializados en CUC de entre un 9 y un 30 por ciento para un grupo de alimentos básicos y de un 6 por ciento para el calzado infantil



Leer todo   -   Cuba Continue reading
Cuba to Legalize Small and Medium-Sized Private Businesses
By MICHAEL WEISSENSTEIN, ASSOCIATED PRESS HAVANA — May 24, 2016, 9:33

Cuba says it will legalize small and medium-sized private businesses, a
move that could significantly expand the space allowed for private
enterprise in one of the world's last communist countries.

Communist Party documents published Tuesday say a category of small,
mid-sized and "micro" private business is being added to the party's
master plan for social and economic development.

Until now, the government has allowed private enterprise only by
"self-employed" workers in several hundred established categories. In
reality, many of those workers have become small business owners
employing other Cubans. But many complain about the difficulties of
running a business in a system that does not officially recognize them,
and that often engages in crackdowns on successful businesses for
supposed violations of the arcane rules on self-employment.

Source: Cuba to Legalize Small and Medium-Sized Private Businesses - ABC
News -
http://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/cuba-legalize-small-medium-sized-private-businesses-39332077 Continue reading
Royal Caribbean could launch Cuba cruises by July
Gene Sloan, USA TODAY 8:23 a.m. EDT May 24, 2016

ABOARD HARMONY OF THE SEAS -- Royal Caribbean could be sailing to Cuba
as early as July, the line's top executive said this weekend.

Speaking at a press conference on board Royal Caribbean's new Harmony of
the Seas, CEO Michael Bayley said the company is just waiting on
approvals from Cuban authorities to start up regular sailings to the
country from Miami.

Confirming months of speculation, Bayley said the company likely will
deploy its 2,020-passenger Empress of the Seas on the Cuban runs. The
26-year-old ship is scheduled to emerge from an extended renovation next
week and spend the next two months operating short voyages out of Miami
to the Bahamas, Mexico and Grand Cayman. It has no sailings on the
docket beyond July.

Bayley suggested the line would go ahead with all of the sailings
currently on Empress' schedule even if the approvals for Cuba trips come
through soon.

"We wouldn't be going (to Cuba) until the end of July (or) early August,
assuming we get the correct permission from the Cuban government," he said.

When asked when the company expected approval, Bayley was circumspect.
"Tomorrow would be good," he said. "Hopefully it will be soon."

Industry giant Carnival Corp.'s new Fathom brand earlier this month
became the first cruise line in years to sail from the USA to Cuba. The
company received Cuban approval for the trips in March. Small-ship line
Ponant also has received Cuban approval for trips from the USA to Cuba
but doesn't plan to start them until 2017.

Unveiled in 1990, the 48,563-ton Empress is rejoining the Royal
Caribbean fleet this year after sailing for Spanish line Pullmantur for
eight years.

The press conference this weekend on Harmony came as the ship prepared
for its first sailing with paying passengers. At 226,963 tons, it is the
largest cruise ship ever and more than four times the size of Empress.

Source: Royal Caribbean could launch Cuba cruises by July -
http://www.usatoday.com/story/travel/cruises/2016/05/23/royal-caribbean-cuba-cruise/84787332/ Continue reading
Afro-Cuban Activists Fight Racism Between Two Fires
They're caught between a government that denies the existence of racism
and fellow black Cubans who lack racial consciousness.
By Sujatha FernandesTwitterTODAY 8:00 AM


A "home for sale" sign in Santiago de Cuba. Far fewer Afro-Cubans get
remittances from family overseas, and residents of eastern Cuba, more
heavily Afro-Cuban than the west, migrate in large numbers to find work
in the capital. (AP Photo / Ramon Espinosa)

On May 4, the Network of Afro-descendant Women convened an urgent
meeting of activists, academics, and members of organizations fighting
against racial discrimination in Cuba. At the meeting, held at the
Jurists' Union Center in Havana, the longtime anti-racism activist
Gisela Arandia presented a document calling for government action in
response to a series of incidents on the island following Barack Obama's
visit in March. These included several racist articles published in
Cuban periodicals, an employment ad on Cuba's Craigslist site,
revolico.com, soliciting white applicants, and then a poster that
appeared on a central street in the middle-class suburb of Vedado with a
swastika and the note "Kill the black."

According to the Cuban novelist and activist Alberto Abreu Arcia, who
was present at the meeting, there was much debate about the document,
with some arguing that it was too conciliatory, that the events needed
to be placed in the context of growing racialized poverty and renewed
diplomatic relations with the United States, and that it should be
accompanied by concrete proposals for change. Even so, many agreed that
these events were not isolated incidents but rather that they make
visible the racism that has not only survived but been strengthened due
to an official policy of silence on issues that have supposedly been
solved by the revolution.

Cuba today finds itself at a crossroads, with the specter of economic
openings bringing the prospect of greater social inequalities,
especially racial inequality. This moment has a parallel in the early
1990s, when the turn to tourism and global markets in the context of
economic hardship following the collapse of the Soviet Union led to a
deepening racial divide and more overt racial discrimination. At that
time, black people in Cuba had no organizations from which to address
this racism. As the Cuban revolution had desegregated whites-only
spaces, launched an anti-discrimination campaign, and opened up avenues
of social mobility through employment and education for Afro-Cubans in
the 1960s, most of the race-based organizations that had represented
them were simultaneously deemed unnecessary, and some closed of their
own accord. In the past decade or so, there has been a re-emergence of
anti-racism organizations across the island, with some fifteen groups
forming in fields from legal rights to youth, culture, communications,
and barrio-based community organizing. These organizations are vital
during the current period of openings with the United States, as Cuba is
more exposed to a market economy, and the potential inequalities it brings.

The 51-year-old writer Roberto Zurbano has been one of the island's most
vocal critics of racial inequality. In March 2013, when he was head of
the publishing house of the venerated Casa de las Américas, Zurbano
published an op-ed in The New York Times about how blacks are being left
behind in the new market-driven economy. His piece was titled in
Spanish, "The Country to Come: and My Black Cuba?" After a series of
edits, the Times published the final piece with its own heading, "For
Blacks in Cuba the Revolution Hasn't Begun." As a result of this
pejorative headline and the article itself—an affront to the leadership
of Casa not so much because it was published in the Times but because
Zurbano's byline included his position at the cultural
institution—Zurbano was demoted from his position as head of publishing,
although he still works at Casa.

In much of Latin America, race has not been used as a primary marker of
identity; this is even more the case in Cuba.
Zurbano's experience reflects the balancing act being performed by many
anti-racism activists in Cuba, who find themselves, as he says, caught
between dos fuegos, or two fires: on the one hand a government that
still denies the existence of racism and, on the other, black Cubans who
lack a racial consciousness. In many parts of Latin America, race has
not been used as a primary marker of identity; this is even more the
case in Cuba, where the post-revolutionary leadership declared that
equality between blacks and whites had made racial identifications
obsolete. That has made it harder to organize and mobilize Cubans along
racial lines.

Yet in the face of these obstacles, anti-racism organizations have
continued to grow. Five years ago, Afro-Cuban leaders, along with
anti-racism activists across Latin America and the Caribbean, decided to
create a transnational anti-racist organization with local chapters
across the region. In September 2012, Latin American and Caribbean
activists, with the support of the Cuban minister of culture, Abel
Prieto, officially launched the Regional Afro-descendant Articulation of
Latin America (ARAAC) at the Ludwig Foundation in Havana. Leaders across
the region felt that the Cuba chapter should be a point of coordination
for regional work, given the profile and growing strength of anti-racism
work there. After the New York Times incident, ARAAC defended Zurbano's
right to raise issues of racism in Cuba, affirming that the black
population suffers disproportionately from poverty and lack of social
mobility. Afro-Cuban activists navigate a tricky terrain within Cuba,
but are growing in profile and size.

* * *

The revolution sought to remove barriers for Afro-Cubans, but racism
didn't disappear; it was relegated to private spaces.
Zurbano was born six years after the 1959 revolution. He came from a
poor family of Jamaican descent, the youngest of five children. At the
age of 2, he was sent to live with his grandmother in the Nueva Paz town
of rural Mayabeque province, where she taught him to box and to read.
Only one part of his family benefited from the revolution. The lack of
education on his father's side meant that they were not able to take
advantage of the possibilities opened up by the revolution for black
people. His mother's side, though, was better prepared to benefit from
opportunities for educational advancement, professional development, and
access to material goods and services. Almost all of his relatives on
his mother's side of the family became professionals in healthcare,
education, engineering, and the military.

As in the United States, racism in Cuba dates back to the colonial era,
when the Spanish colonizers wiped out the indigenous population and
brought African slaves to the island to work on the plantations. Even
after the abolition of slavery in 1886, black Cubans were denied equal
access to education and faced segregation and barriers in employment,
with greater concentrations of poverty. The 1959 revolution sought to
remove barriers for Afro-Cubans in areas of education, housing, and
healthcare, reducing poverty and creating social mobility for many
Afro-Cubans. However, as seen in the case of Zurbano's family, not all
black Cubans were able to take advantage of these opportunities, and
racism did not disappear. It was simply relegated to private spaces.

At the age of 26, Zurbano became the vice president of Brothers Saiz
Association (AHS), a group of young writers and artists in Havana
province. At that time, the association was considered irreverent and
counter-cultural, and government leaders decided to remove him from the
post. He was transferred to the military, where he served two years in
the infantry. During this time, Zurbano defied the authorities and the
regimentation of military life, spending much of his time in a cave used
by runaway slaves in the hillocks of Managuaco. It was here that he
developed his interest in Africa, reading novels and essays by African
intellectuals. After leaving the military, Zurbano developed a
friendship with an African diplomat and began to question why the
strategic alliances of Cuba with Slavic socialism seemed to preclude a
deeper engagement with Pan-Africanism and the Marxist writers of the
Caribbean, such as C.L.R. James.

In the mid-1990s, Zurbano became vice president of the national AHS and
discovered the nascent cultural movement of hip-hop, where young black
rappers from the poor and marginalized barrios of the cities were
raising issues of racism in Cuban society. The Cuban hip-hop movement,
which I detail in my book Close to the Edge, emerged at a time when
black youth were increasingly feeling the effects of racial
discrimination in the post-Soviet era. While this generation had
benefited from the extension of education, housing, and healthcare to
black families, they came of age when the revolutionary years were
giving way to times of austerity. Black Cubans were being excluded from
employment in tourism, saw declines in their standard of living and
housing, and were constantly harassed by police and asked for their IDs.
Racism had become more visible. In this context, the militancy of
American rap music appealed to Cuban youth. Afro-Cuban youth began to
proudly refer to themselves as black.

Zurbano saw the rappers as the vanguard of the Cuban anti-racist
struggle. They were public and vocal about racism, and they opened up a
space for debate and reflection about it in Cuban society. Cuban
intellectuals such as the historian Tomás Fernández Robaina helped to
develop the racial consciousness of the rappers by holding workshops on
black thought. At this time, during the 1990s, Afro-Cuban visual artists
such as Alexis Esquivel, Manuel Arenas, Elio Rodríguez, and Roberto
Diago were also raising issues such as the manifestations of racism in
the tourist economy. Arenas's painting Carné de Identidad (ID Card), of
a black man showing his ID card, set against the Cuban national emblem,
recalled the rappers' protests against police harassment of black youth.
The establishment accused these rappers and artists of being "radical
blacks," even as their work resonated both locally and globally. Over
time, though, the rap movement won an important space, one that was
helped along by prominent allies such as the American actor Harry
Belafonte, who spoke personally with Fidel Castro about the importance
of the movement.

* * *

While the anti-racism struggle in Cuba was spurred by the efforts of the
younger generation, its leadership also includes an older generation of
black Cubans who remembered the pre-revolutionary years and view the
current manifestation of racism with a different lens. These Cubans,
mostly older professionals, recall the hardships of the pre-Castro era
and take pride in their advances under the revolution, even as they seek
to educate others about the need for a racial consciousness in the
ongoing fight against racism.

Norma Guillard, 70, came from a poor family in the eastern province of
Santiago de Cuba. Her parents, a dressmaker and tailor, had only an
elementary education. The oldest of five children, Guillard was put in
charge of her siblings when her mother left the house early to go to her
factory. Guillard was 13 at the time of the revolution, and at the age
of 15, she joined the Conrado Benítez Brigade and became a literacy
teacher. She was one of 105,000 youth who left their homes and went into
the countryside, where 76 percent of the population was illiterate.
Guillard recalls that it was a difficult moment; the US government was
launching repeated offensives to try to overthrow the newly installed
Cuban government. Guillard was placed in the zone of Aguacate in
Guantánamo, very far from her home. In this zone there was a
counterrevolutionary insurgency, which killed a member of her brigade.

Guillard was rejected in her first home placement because of the color
of her skin and was then placed in a mixed-race family. Despite the
racism and hardships of rural life, the literacy campaign was a kind of
liberation for Guillard from the constraints of social norms and gender
expectations. After her placement ended, she went to Havana on a
scholarship to study Russian. She was housed with other students in the
homes of wealthy exiles who had left the country after the revolution.
During this time, she also confronted the machismo of male students who
wanted the female students to wash and iron their clothes, which
Guillard refused to do.

Guillard went on to become a social psychologist, with a focus on
women's empowerment, anti-racism, and LGBTQ activism. In the mid-1990s,
she was one of the pioneers of a small network of women known as Magín
(Image), which sought to engage in feminist activism and advocacy
outside the direct control of the state-sanctioned women's federation.
In the midst of the post-Soviet economic crisis, these activists found
the federation—and its lack of a feminist perspective—unequipped to deal
with issues such as the revival of sex tourism, the growing gender gap,
and the negative portrayals of women in the media. The women activists
promoted certain radical perspectives on gender and sexuality in Cuban
society, such as the rights of women to engage in sex work, as long as
they retained their dignity and self-respect. After operating for a few
years, Magín was dissolved by the Communist Party in 1996; this was part
of a broader crackdown on independent groups that year, but was also due
to a fear by the government that women organizing independently
presented a risk of division in Cuban society. For the women, this was a
machista line of thinking: that they needed to be saved by the men who
understood how politics worked and how women could be seduced by the enemy.

In the new millennium, this experience was to be repeated with the
anti-racist organization Color Cubano (Cuban Color), which was started
by the National Union of Writers and Artists of Cuba (UNEAC). Guillard
participated in activities of the organization, although she wasn't part
of the leadership. Zurbano joined it in 2002. As the organization
reached a moment of intense activism in the mid-2000s, the Communist
Party put pressure on UNEAC, which eventually dissolved Color Cubano and
created a new organization, Comisión Aponte, from which several of the
original anti-racism leaders were excluded.

In spite of these setbacks, anti-racism activists continued to find
spaces to work. Guillard directed the Section of Identities and
Diversity in Communication in the Cuban Society of Psychology, which
provided a venue for discussions about racial discrimination. And it was
around this time that Zurbano joined the Casa de las Américas as
director of the publishing house, where he edited dozens of titles by
black authors from Cuba and around the region.

* * *

The contemporary anti-racism struggle in Cuba is a product of this
history. It is multi-generational and transnational. The groups that
have emerged over the past decade span from the urban centers of Havana
to the eastern region of Santiago de Cuba. The spaces for their social
activism are still limited, but leaders—many of them black women—are
making efforts to engage Cubans from a range of social backgrounds and
in multiple settings, from policy to activism.

In November 2012, the Red Barrial Afrodescendiente (Barrio Network of
Afro-Descendants) was started in the Havana barrio Balcón Arimao. The
organization was founded by three women, Maritza López, Hildelisa Leal,
and Damayanti Matos, with the aim of supporting anti-racist activism in
the marginalized barrios of Havana and creating projects to promote the
economic vitality and solidarity of the majority-black residents. The
Red Barrial is based on a horizontal style of organizing, local
leadership development, and collective decision-making, drawing on ideas
of popular education and taking inspiration from radical Brazilian
educator Paulo Freire and Martin Luther King Jr. Working closely with
the female-led organization Grupo Afrocubanas, the Red Barrial seeks to
bring together local barrio residents—mechanics, religious leaders,
architects, and doctors—to discuss old and new forms of racial
discrimination and ways to fight it.

Another project begun in 2012 is the legal-cultural organization Alianza
Unidad Racial (Racial Unity Alliance). Started by the lawyer Deyni Terri
Abreu, it focuses on civil rights, citizen education, and penal rights.
The Alianza offers free legal workshops and has won several
anti-discrimination cases, including one of a black man who had suffered
employment discrimination. It has also defended black Cubans in cases of
excessive police harassment. While black Cubans constitute about 10
percent of the population, the Cuban social scientist Rosa Campoalegre
argues that they are greatly overrepresented in the criminal justice and
penal systems. Black youth are constantly stopped by police on the
streets, asked to produce ID, and arrested without cause. As a legal
organization, the Alianza has faced some challenges, given that the
state-approved national organization of lawyers is usually required to
provide legal representation in court cases. As a result, the Alianza
has generally been limited to court accompaniment, legal advice, and
cultural work, such as training people in how to dress and present
themselves in court.

These various organizations come together under the umbrella group
ARAAC, which counts on the participation of many longtime anti-racism
activists in Cuba, including Zurbano, Guillard, Arandia, and Abreu, as
well as the historian Robaina. Arandia saw the formation of the Cuban
chapter of ARAAC in 2012 as a major advance in the struggle for racial
equality in Cuba. While ARAAC evolved out of the earlier struggles on
the island, Arandia also saw it as marking a different moment, when
various groups could come together in a new structure to change public
policy, reach out to broader social sectors, and build alliances with
Afro-descendant groups across Latin America and the Caribbean.

In response to official rhetoric, which holds that talking about race
divides the nation, the activists of ARAAC argue rather that it is
silence about race that divides the nation. Activists have been bolder
in staking out their autonomy from the state. Gisela Morales (Giselita),
who stepped down from a paid position in ARAAC, argued at the May 4
meeting that she did not want to take money from the state and that
ARAAC should be independent: "If the citizens decide to meet, they don't
have to ask permission from the state, and no one can dissolve a process
that the citizens decide to take forward."

* * *

Spurred by the #BlackLivesMatter movement in the United States, we are
now living in a moment of heightened anti-racist struggle globally.
Groups such as Warriors of the Aboriginal Resistance (WAR) in Australia
and the New Urban Collective in Amsterdam have taken inspiration from
#BlackLivesMatter. This moment presents new opportunities for the
anti-racist movement in Cuba. Cuban activists recognize the vast
differences, of course: that while police brutality and murder of black
youth is all too common in the United States, in Cuba police rarely use
arms or kill unarmed black people. But the disproportionate surveillance
and harassment of black youth on the island does provide grounds for
transnational solidarity. The other opening has come from the United
Nations–sponsored International Decade for People of African Descent,
which began in January 2015 under the themes recognition, justice, and
development. The conversations, gatherings, and networks generated from
it could give momentum to anti-racism organizations and their demands in
Cuba.

Anti-racism organizations in Cuba may fall outside the radar of the
international news media because they don't fit the profile of the
typical dissident groups, such as those calling for freedom of speech
and denouncing the government. Rather, groups like ARAAC are part of a
lineage of activism that exists within the parameters of the Cuban
revolution, recognizing its progress in fighting structural
discrimination and seeking to preserve the social and economic benefits
that Afro-Cubans have won. Their allegiance to the ideals of the
revolution has helped Afro-Cuban activists to navigate a path for
independent dialogue within the constraints of the political system. But
the threat of closure or sanction is always a possibility, as is the
reality of racist backlash, as seen in recent events. One article
published last month on the Cuban website El Heraldo Cubano denies the
existence of racism in Cuba and attacks the Alianza Unidad Racial and
another organization, Cofradía de la Negritud (Brotherhood of
Blackness), as counter-revolutionaries funded by the US government. But
these organizations and activists openly define themselves as
anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, and decolonizing. That does not
endear them to the kinds of US democracy-promotion programs sponsored by
USAID and the Obama administration.

There is now more than ever a need for these anti-racism organizations
on the island, as recent openings to the United States and an expanding
market economy have generated greater racial and economic inequalities.
Given the concentration of black Cubans in substandard housing, their
lack of access to capital, including remittances from abroad, and the
prevalence of racist norms in hiring for the tourism industry,
Afro-Cubans are much more poorly placed to take advantage of openings
for social mobility and economic improvement. Black-led anti-racism
organizations provide the best chance for ensuring that Afro-Cubans are
not left behind as normalization proceeds.

SUJATHA FERNANDES TWITTER Sujatha Fernandes is a professor of sociology
at Queens College and the Graduate Center, City University of New York.
She is the author of several books, including Cuba Represent!, Who Can
Stop The Drums?, and Close to the Edge. Her forthcoming book, Mobilizing
Stories: The Political Uses of Storytelling, will be published next year.


Source: Afro-Cuban Activists Fight Racism Between Two Fires | The Nation
-
http://www.thenation.com/article/afro-cuban-activists-fight-racism-between-two-fires/ Continue reading
Inside The World's Slowest Newsroom
Staff at Granma, the official newspaper of Cuba's Communist Party, are
facing a new challenge — how to embrace the openness of the internet
while still pleasing ruthless censors. Karla Zabludovsky visited its
newsroom in Havana to find out.
posted on Jul. 8, 2015, at 5:24 p.m.
Karla Zabludovsky
BuzzFeed News World Correspondent, Mexico
Reporting From
Havana, Cuba

HAVANA — Every couple of months panic hits newsrooms around the world as
Fidel Castro's death is announced on Twitter. A scramble ensues as
reporters try to confirm the rumor and editors make sure his obituary is
up to date. Moments later, calm is restored as it turns out a fake
account was responsible.
But there is one newspaper where the staff remains permanently
unruffled. At Granma, the official newspaper of Cuba's Communist Party,
there is no Wi-Fi, leaving most of its reporters offline as soon as they
step away from their desks, so Twitterstorms tend to pass them by. The
paper's deputy editor, Oscar Sanchez Serra, carries around a beaten-up
old Nokia phone; he has no need for a smartphone to keep up with
breaking news — after all, Cuba remains mostly cut off from the internet.
On the plus side, he said, given their close ties to the state, the
editors of Granma are likely to know before anyone else when Castro does
eventually die. "There is no doubt that we will be the first to find
out," said Sanchez.
Now, more than five decades after revolution swept Castro to power,
Granma — and the rest of the island — is facing a huge test. Today,
around 5% of Cuba's 11 million inhabitants have internet access, but
that looks set to change. This month, 35 Wi-Fi hotspots opened across
the island. Some say this gives hope that the Communist country, subject
to decades of disastrous economic policy compounded by a punishing U.S.
embargo, is inching its way toward a more open society. After Barack
Obama announced a sweeping shift in Cuba policy in December, the White
House said boosting internet access would be a priority for his
government. For its part, the Cuban government said earlier this year
that it "wanted to make the internet available to all," according to
Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermú­dez, the country's first vice-president, and
seen by some as the most likely successor to the Castros.
Inevitably the changes are happening slowly and — for now, at least —
Granma's newsroom remains trapped in a time capsule. Its offices stand
just off Revolutionary Plaza, a grassy square in Havana's busy Vedado
neighborhood under the perpetual watch of Camilo Cienfuegos and Ernesto
"Che" Guevara, whose silhouettes are etched into the buildings lining
the square.
Inside, the office is peppered with decade-old beige LG computer
monitors and large-button telephones installed in 1998. There are no
standing desks or ergonomic office chairs here — and while most
newsrooms are littered with newspapers and magazines from around the
world, at Granma there's nothing more than a pile of copies of a Cuban
weekly. In a country where censorship is everywhere, Granma's
inspiration, and competition, is Granma.
Now the paper, like much of the island, is trying to enter the 21st
century. Its website, launched in 1997 and getting about a quarter of a
million unique visitors a month, mostly from abroad, is set for a
revamp. They're looking to redesign the physical paper too, making
photos bigger, with plans to start running them in color. Its foreign
editor, Sergio Alejandro Gomez, said the goal is: "web first, print second."
But the paper, like Cuba's leadership, will need to confront a question
that has plagued oppressive regimes the world over — how can it embrace
the openness of the internet while also pleasing ruthless censors?
Sanchez was unequivocal: "The internet will not change the editorial
line … I'm the one the party put here." Granma, he said, would never
criticize the revolution's leaders and always runs stories about
sensitive subjects by the Communist Party before publishing them.
The consequences of that censorship have been profound for reporters in
Cuba, including some that worked at Granma. The paper's former
international news editor, Aida Calviac Mora, left Cuba for Miami last
year, telling America TeVe that new ideas were viewed as threatening and
that there was a crisis of credibility in Cuba between readers and the
media. In 2011, the journalist Jose Antonio Torres was arrested and
sentenced to 14 years in prison on suspicion of espionage for writing a
letter to an employee of the U.S. Special Interests Section, according
to local reports.
It is difficult to gauge how much support the leadership has in Cuba
since many people are afraid to express negative opinions and face
repercussions when they do. According to a poll published by the
Washington Post and Univision in April, 53% of those surveyed said they
were dissatisfied with the political system in Cuba, 58% said they had a
negative view of the Communist Party, and 75% admitted to being careful
when expressing their opinions in public.
Dissidents are frequently arrested; on Tuesday, the U.S. State
Department voiced concern about the detention of approximately 100
peaceful activists in Cuba this week. According to Freedom House, a
Washington-based nonprofit, Cuba is the most restrictive country in the
Americas in terms of press freedom and free speech. Reporters Without
Borders ranked Cuba 169 out of 180 countries in its 2015 World Press
Freedom Index.
As a result, many Cubans take Granma with a pinch of salt even though
it's the country's highest-circulation newspaper, with half a million
copies printed each day. It has a staff of around 280 people, and just
one foreign correspondent based — almost inevitably — in Venezuela, with
whom Cuba has close economic and political ties.
With little internet access on the island, many of Granma.cu readers
come from abroad, and in particular via social media. Around 80% of
traffic to its website, which totaled 274,554 unique visits in May,
according to an internal report provided by Sánchez, comes from Facebook
and Twitter.
In an effort to keep up to speed with the changes anticipated on the
island, Granma's bosses plan to launch a web-based TV channel, audio,
and interactive graphics in the near future. When the foreign editor
heard that BuzzFeed was visiting the offices, he smiled broadly. "Twenty
things you didn't know about Granma! The first of these? That the
director of international news at Granma is 27 years old," said Sanchez.
He's not the only one: 60% of the paper's reporters are "very young,"
and of these, "many are under 30," he added, reflective of Cuba's
younger generation, which is desperate to get on the web themselves.
Relics from the past can be seen everywhere in Granma's HQ, especially
on the picture desk, where dusty bronze photojournalism awards from the
1970s are neatly arranged in a filing cabinet. A dozen vintage cameras,
including a folding one from the 1930s, lay on a simple table, giving
the place the feeling of a museum.
Fortunately these are just for display. Photographers use
semi-professional Nikon cameras for assignments, said Juvenal Balan,
head of the photo desk, which is not ideal but allows his team to meet
the paper's expectations. Still, "there is a lag in technology," he
said, a thick copy of the Yellow Pages laying next to his computer.

Source: Inside The World's Slowest Newsroom - BuzzFeed News -
https://www.buzzfeed.com/karlazabludovsky/inside-the-worlds-slowest-newsroom?utm_term=.mj8Y6vZxO#.tnJDlRomr Continue reading